Undercover high school narc gets 12 busts in 8 months
Don't these pigs have any REAL criminals to arrest???? You know like bank robbers, murderers and rapists?
Narcotics agent Alex Salinas spent 8 months attending high school pretending he was student and that resulted in 12 high school students being arrested on petty drug charges!!!!
If this entry level pig was being paid $50,000 a year which is what most Phoenix area cops start at that means each of the 12 arrests for petty drug charges cost the taxpayers almost $3,000.
Source
Policeman goes undercover to bust U.S. students
Mar. 28, 2012 07:34 AM
Associated Press
EXETER, California -- The student called himself Johnny Ramirez. But he was actually 22-year-old Alex Salinas, an undercover narcotics officer.
Eight months later, the ruse was up, and a school-day police sweep with the help of the young policeman ended with a dozen California students in custody on drug charges.
Some people wondered how the deception could have gone on for so long. Others lamented that the problems of the big city had come to the quaint community.
"It's amazing we were able to keep a secret in this little town for that long," said Police Chief Cliff Bush, who had been searching for years for just the right officer. "People in little towns tend to know everything about everybody."
Leading the campus sweep this month was the tall, lanky Salinas, dressed in a crisp black uniform and combat boots of the Exeter Police Department.
Still, there was no mistaking the boyish face and the wide smile gleaming with braces.
"A lot of jaws dropped when they saw me," Salinas said. "They knew me as that kid at school that they hung around with, and then the next thing they're in handcuffs and I'm in a uniform."
The sting got more attention from the media than a drug bust of 12 students normally would because of something the police chief now laments: It happened the same week as the debut of the Hollywood comedy "21 Jump Street," which features -- you got it -- undercover cops fighting crime at a school.
Chief Bush insisted it was not a case of life imitating art.
"A day or two later I became aware of the movie," Bush said. "The last thing I would do is check movie premieres. This just happened to coincide with the movie's release."
There had been no major complaints about drug dealing at the 1,000-student school that sits within sight of the police station, but Bush said he had been thinking for years about doing an undercover sting to send a message.
One day last summer, he ran into Salinas, who was weeks away from graduating from the police academy.
Bush eventually approached Salinas with the plan. With it came a full-time job -- an offer Salinas wouldn't refuse.
As Johnny Ramirez, Salinas attended football games and pep rallies. He purposely landed himself in detention so he could meet people outside of the four classes he attended before reporting each afternoon to the county drug task force headquarters for briefings and homework assignments. He made a Facebook page and friendships, which made the deception hard for him to bear.
"There were a few students I got to know who are good kids, and I did feel kind of bad for being their friend and then being something different," he said.
Only the principal, vice principal and Johnny's guidance counselor knew about the operation, school Superintendent Renee Whitson said.
"Even I didn't know the name he'd go by," she said.
Eventually students sold the new kid marijuana and cocaine, the prescription painkiller hydrocodone and the muscle relaxant Soma.
"There was certainly no celebration on the day of conclusion. It was a very sad day," Whitson said. "These are our students. We hope this is the necessary wakeup call to make this positive for their lives."
Only three of the arrested students are older than 18, and one student's parents were also arrested for investigation of methamphetamine possession.
In the end, large quantities of drugs were not confiscated, and none of the arrests involved trafficking significant quantities, though many purchases were for amounts that exceeded "personal use," Salinas said.
Was it worth keeping an officer off the streets and on a school campus for eight months?
Yes, Chief Bush said. But he is almost embarrassed that the undercover operation has drawn so much publicity, mostly because of his own bad timing regarding the film release.
"This is what I was trying to avoid, that we busted the local Scarface at the high school," Bush said, making reference to another Hollywood movie, about a drug kingpin. "Turns out they were just tiny amounts, but if you've got just one kid dealing drugs at school, that's too many."
The chief hopes the arrests have a lasting impact on all students, though he does realize he might have created a problem of another kind.
"I'd hate to be the new kid at school next year," he said. "They won't make very many friends.
Source
Cop goes undercover to bust California students
By TRACIE CONE, Associated Press
EXETER, Calif. (AP) — On his second trip through high school, former C-student Alex Salinas got a lot of A's.
He was 22, however, and an undercover narcotics officer going by the name Johnny Ramirez. When his first semester progress report showed a 3.25 average, the baby-faced police rookie made a mental note: Stop turning in homework assignments.
Eight months later, the ruse was up, and Exeter, a bucolic citrus-growing community in California's Central Valley, was turned on its ear after a school-day police sweep ended with a dozen Exeter High students in custody on drug charges.
Some people wondered how the deception by Salinas could have gone on for so long in the small town of just 10,000 people. Others lamented that the problems of the big city had come to the quaint community of antique shops and historic murals set amid a stunning backdrop of the snow-capped Sierra Nevada.
"It's amazing we were able to keep a secret in this little town for that long," said Police Chief Cliff Bush, who had been searching for years for just the right officer to pull off the undercover ploy. "People in little towns tend to know everything about everybody."
Leading the campus sweep this month was the tall, lanky Salinas, dressed in the crisp black uniform and combat boots of the Exeter Police Department instead of the T-shirts and sneakers he had worn as Johnny Ramirez.
Still, there was no mistaking the boyish face and the wide smile gleaming with braces.
"A lot of jaws dropped when they saw me," Salinas said. "They knew me as that kid at school that they hung around with, and then the next thing they're in handcuffs and I'm in a uniform."
The sting got more attention from the media than a drug bust of 12 students normally would because of something the chief now laments: It happened the same week as the debut of the Hollywood comedy "21 Jump Street," which features — you got it — undercover cops fighting crime at a high school.
Chief Bush insisted it was not a case of life imitating art.
"A day or two later I became aware of the movie," Bush said. "The last thing I would do is check movie premieres. This just happened to coincide with the movie's release."
There had been no major complaints about drug dealing at the 1,000-student school that sits within sight of the police station, but Bush said he had been thinking for years about doing an undercover sting to send a message.
One day last summer, he ran into Salinas, who was weeks away from graduating from the police academy. Salinas had ridden along with Bush years earlier when the chief was still a patrolman.
Bush eventually approached Salinas with the plan. With it came a full-time job on the city's 17-member Police Department — an offer Salinas wouldn't refuse.
As Johnny Ramirez, Salinas attended Monarch football games and pep rallies. He purposely landed himself in detention so he could meet people outside of the four classes he attended before reporting each afternoon to the county drug task force headquarters for briefings and homework assignments. He made a Facebook page and forged friendships, which made the deception hard for him to bear.
"There were a few students I got to know who are good kids, and I did feel kind of bad for being their friend and then being something different," he said.
Only the principal, vice principal and Johnny's guidance counselor knew about the operation, school Superintendent Renee Whitson said.
"Even I didn't know the name he'd go by," she said.
Still, a moment of panic erupted on the first day of school last fall when a teacher pointed to the new kid and joked, "We've got a new narc on campus. They tell me he's wearing a green shirt." Johnny Ramirez's shirt was green.
Eventually students sold the new kid marijuana and cocaine, the prescription painkiller hydrocodone and the muscle relaxant Soma.
"There was certainly no celebration on the day of conclusion. It was a very sad day," Whitson said. "These are our students. We hope this is the necessary wakeup call to make this positive for their lives."
As the school year winds down, the arrested students are in the midst of review board hearings. Only three are older than 18, and one student's parents were also arrested for investigation of methamphetamine possession.
In the end, large quantities of drugs were not confiscated and none of the arrests involved trafficking significant quantities, though many purchases were for amounts that exceeded "personal use," Salinas said.
Was it worth keeping an officer off Exeter's streets and on a school campus for eight months?
Yes, Chief Bush said. But he is almost embarrassed that the undercover operation has garnered so much publicity, mostly because of his own bad timing regarding the release of "21 Jump Street."
"This is what I was trying to avoid, that we busted the local Scarface at the high school," Bush said, making reference to another Hollywood movie, this one about a drug kingpin. "Turns out they were just tiny amounts, but if you've got just one kid dealing drugs at school, that's too many."
The chief hopes the arrests have a lasting impact on all students, though he does realize he might have created a problem of another kind in Exeter.
"I'd hate to be the new kid at school next year," he said. "They won't make very many friends."
Tyrants in Arizona Legislator ban medical marijuana on college campuses
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Legislature passes ban on medical marijuana on college campuses
Posted: Wednesday, March 28, 2012 5:29 pm
By Howard Fischer, Capitol Media Services
The ability of faculty and students to use medical marijuana on college and university campuses is now in the hands of Gov. Jan Brewer.
And it may end up in court.
With only two dissenting votes, the Senate on Wednesday approved legislation to ban possession and use of the drug, even by people who have a state-issued card entitling them to use it for medical purposes, on college campuses. The House already gave its blessing to HB 2349 on a 52-2 margin.
Brewer is no fan of medical marijuana, having urged voters to defeat the 2010 initiative that allows those with a doctor’s recommendation to obtain and use up to 2 1/2 ounces of marijuana every two weeks. But the governor also has allowed the state Health Department to implement the law.
As of the beginning of the month, the state had issued user cards to more than 22,000 Arizonans.
More recently, Brewer gave the go-ahead to start licensing dispensaries later this year to sell the drug legally. In the interim, cardholders have been allowed to grow their own.
The fight is over the fact that the initiative bans use in public areas and public schools. But it leaves the door open for possession and use on the campuses of colleges and universities.
Rep. Amanda Reeve, R-Phoenix, said she sponsored the legislation to expand the ban at the behest of the Arizona Board of Regents.
She said allowing the drugs on the campuses would put the schools in violation of federal regulations which require campuses to have policies against illegal drugs. And while the initiative legalized marijuana for medical uses under state law, it remains a felony under federal law to possess it.
The danger, Reeve said, is the schools could become ineligible for federal grants, and federal aid and loans for students could be put at risk.
But Sen. Linda Lopez, D-Tucson, said that argument does not wash.
“Medical marijuana is legal in a whole bunch of other states,” she said. “And they haven’t had any problems getting federal funding for their university and college campuses.”
Lopez also dismissed fears that the medical marijuana law would lead to people smoking in campus buildings, something already forbidden for tobacco. She pointed out that the drug is available in various other forms, with dispensaries in other states creating cookies and even lollipops.
The real issue, however, may be legal.
The Arizona Constitution precludes legislators from tinkering with voter-approved initiatives. But it does allow changes that “further the purpose” of the measure.
“I don’t think this furthers the intent of the initiative,” Lopez said.
That last point could prove crucial.
“Patient rights aren’t limited to their homes, their workplaces, or, for that matter even schools,” said Joe Yuhas, spokesman for the Arizona Medical Marijuana Association. More to the point, Yuhas said the rights of patients “are clearly defined in the initiative,” including the right of those with a doctor’s recommendation and a state-issued card to use the drug in most places.
Yuhas said he is “confident” that the legislation will be challenged, though he sidestepped questions of whether that will be by his group which includes those who pushed the successful 2010 initiative or others.
That threat of litigation could be enough to convince Brewer to veto the measure.
The governor last year barred state health officials from even accepting applications for dispensaries amid concerns that state employees who processed the forms could be charged under federal law with facilitating the illegal possession of marijuana. But Brewer backed off earlier this year after a federal judge refused to rule the state initiative conflicts with federal law and a state judge ordered the health department to fully implement what voters approved.
Gubernatorial press aide Matthew Benson declined to comment on what his boss might do with the legislation.
Lopez sees another legal issue: discrimination.
She said students and faculty already are permitted to possess and use much more dangerous drugs on campus and in dorm rooms as long as they have a prescription. “Why should medical marijuana be that different?” Lopez asked.
College students demonstrate against planned smoking ban
Source
College students demonstrate against planned smoking ban
by John Genovese - Mar. 28, 2012 09:26 PM
The Republic | azcentral.com
Students who believe that banning smoking on college and university campuses violates personal liberty sought to make a statement by distributing free cigarettes Wednesday at Scottsdale Community College.
About 10 students from SCC, other community colleges and Arizona State University set up tables near the Student Center building throughout the morning and early afternoon. A small group of SCC students gathered near the table, but most quickly stopped by between classes.
"Every student should have the choice to pick their own lifestyle," said Carlos Alfaro, campus coordinator for the ASU chapter of Students for Liberty, which organized the protest against the tobacco ban, which takes effect this summer. "We don't want to encourage smoking at all. But it should be your choice."
Alfaro said the non-profit Students for Liberty received a protest grant, financed by individual donors, to fund the demonstration. No tobacco companies or other organizations were behind the event, he said.
Starting July 1, no tobacco products will be allowed on any of the 10 Maricopa Community Colleges campuses, which include satellite sites around the Valley, as well as two skills centers and district office in Tempe. The ban is part of the Maricopa BreathEasy initiative announced last fall.
The consequences for violating and enforcing the policy are still being developed, but district officials said it's likely that warnings will be issued for first-time offenders.
"As an educational institution, we ought to be thinking about modeling the way for healthy living," said district spokesman Tom Gariepy. "You can be accommodating to students without being accommodating to habits."
The district is joining about 500 other universities and colleges across the U.S. that have implemented similar policies.
Currently, smoking is prohibited in all buildings, but there are designated smoking areas at the colleges.
Gariepy said schools will provide smoking-cessation programs to students and faculty who want to quit.
The district also plans to make nicotine gum available in all school stores.
"We're not trying to tell students what they can or can't do," Gariepy said, reiterating that students have "every right" to use tobacco products off school grounds.
While the district may have a "philosophical disagreement" with the beliefs of the demonstrators, it supports their right to protest, he said.
Besides promoting a healthy campus environment, campus cleanliness was another large factor in the decision ban tobacco use, district officials said.
Michele Hamm, an exercise-science faculty member at Mesa Community College and a member of the Wellness Maricopa group that worked on the initiative, said the labor costs for cleaning cigarette litter from four district colleges were examined.
"We did look at the economic impact and it was pretty significant," she said.
weGrow the 'Walmart of weed' opens store in capital
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'Walmart of weed' opens store in capital
Mar. 29, 2012 09:17 AM
Associated Press
A company dubbed the "Walmart of Weed" is putting down roots in America's capital city, sprouting further debate on marijuana -- medical or otherwise.
Just blocks from the White House and federal buildings, a company that candidly caters to medical marijuana growers is opening up its first outlet on the East Coast. The opening of the weGrow store on March 30 in Washington coincides with the first concrete step in implementing a city law allowing residents with certain medical conditions to purchase pot.
Like suppliers of picks and axes during the gold rush, weGrow sees itself providing the necessary tools to pioneers of a "green rush," which some project could reach nearly $9 billion within the next five years. Admittedly smaller than a big box store, weGrow is not unlike a typical retailer in mainstream America, with towering shelves of plant food and vitamins, ventilation and lighting systems. Along with garden products, it offers how-to classes, books and magazines on growing medical marijuana.
"The more that businesses start to push the envelope by showing that this is a legitimate industry, the further we're going to be able to go in changing people's minds," said weGrow founder Dhar Mann.
Although federal law outlaws the cultivation, sale or use of marijuana, 16 states and the District of Columbia have legalized its medical use to treat a wide range of issues from anxiety and back pain to HIV/AIDS and cancer-related ailments. Fourteen states also have some kind of marijuana decriminalization law, removing or lowering penalties for possession.
Nearly 7% of Americans, or 17.4 million people, said they used marijuana in 2010, up from 5.8%, or 14.4 million, in 2007, according to the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. A Gallup poll last year found a record-high of 50% of Americans saying that marijuana should be made legal, and 70% support medical uses for pot.
Marijuana advocates also tout revenue benefits, as well as cost and efficiency savings for not prosecuting or jailing people for pot.
But a recent push from the federal government to crack down on medical marijuana dispensaries has led several states to delay or curtail their dispensary programs for fear of prosecution. It means some medical marijuana users may seek to grow their own-- paving the way for companies like California-based weGrow to open a budding number of locations across the country to help legal users and larger cultivators grow their own pot plants.
WeGrow doesn't sell pot or seeds to grow it. The store, however, makes no secret that its products and services help cultivators grow their own plants for personal use or for sale at dispensaries. Selling hydroponic and other indoor growing equipment is legal, but because those products are used to cultivate a plant deemed illegal under federal law the industry has tried to keep a low profile.
"For the longest time, it's been a don't ask, don't tell industry," Mann said. "Most people still want to hide behind that faade."
Mann, who opened the first store in Sacramento last year, said he started his venture after he was kicked out of a mom-and-pop hydroponics store in Berkeley, Calif., just for mentioning marijuana. WeGrow has since opened a location in Phoenix and also will open stores in San Jose and Flagstaff, Ariz., in the near future. The company has franchisees in New Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania, and plans to expand into Oregon, Washington state and Michigan.
The frankness of the business comes as public attitudes toward marijuana use and legalization in the U.S. transform. But federal pressure on customers means companies catering to the marijuana industry could take a hit -- in their wallets and with jail time.
"There's a whole host of risks associated with investing and opening up shop here," said Jason Klein, a D.C. attorney who represents medical marijuana operators. "These entrepreneurs see themselves as doing yeoman's work, putting themselves in personal risk ... to get medicine to the sick people who deserve it."
D.C. officials on Friday are set to announce those eligible to apply for permits to grow and sell medical marijuana to dispensaries under the district's 2010 law. Applicants must sign a statement saying they understand a license doesn't authorize them to break federal law.
"They do so at their own peril because I can't imagine that the federal government is going to allow marijuana selling for any purpose right in their backyard," said Kevin Sabet, a former senior adviser to the president's drug czar and a fellow at the University of Pennsylvania's Center for Substance Abuse Solutions.
"Whether it's D.C. or all the way out in California, the government's been pretty clear that medical marijuana doesn't pass the giggle test."
Sabet said the idea of dispensaries trying to be passed off as a medical establishment is a joke, adding that the grow store will be the first in a series events where people are going to try to "make big money off an illegal drug."
The national medical marijuana market was estimated to be worth $1.7 billion in 2011 and is projected to reach $8.9 billion within five years, according to an economic analysis done for the American Cannabis Research Institute. The study also says that nearly 25 million Americans are potentially eligible to use medical marijuana based on current state laws.
"There's great potential for the industry across the country," said Steve Fox, a spokesman for the National Cannabis Industry Association, a D.C.-based trade group representing marijuana-related businesses. He said support for the businesses has emerged in states like California, Colorado and Washington state. "They are showing that just like any other industry, there's a demand for a product and these businesses are sprouting up to address the need."
The issue of marijuana in the nation's capital isn't new. A public referendum to legalize medical marijuana overwhelmingly passed in the late 1990s but Congress blocked it from taking effect for years. Allowing the city's latest move on medical marijuana use could also indicate an attitude shift on a federal level.
"The political winds on a federal level really affect our ability to get things done on a local level," said Brendan Williams-Kief, spokesman for D.C. councilmember David A. Catania, who co-sponsored the medical marijuana legislation. "When the (legislation) was passed, it happened at a time when there was a Congress that was less-inclined to exert their will on the District. ... But they're always up there on the Hill looking down."
Klein believes that, despite being next door to Congress, the Drug Enforcement Agency and the Department of Justice, the D.C. medical marijuana program will avoid the ire of the federal government because it was crafted to tightly control the industry.
"It's the sort of thing the feds will probably just look the other way elsewhere, but given the fact that it's right under their noses, is going to really be unique conundrum," Klein said. "I'm really looking forward to getting a couple of Congresspeople in a cab and caravaning them over to a dispensary ... so that they can see that this is not the danger that they imagine it might be."
For Alex Wong, the franchisee of the D.C. weGrow store, his involvement in the industry is both personal and professional. The mid-40s entrepreneur was drawn to the business after seeing the firsthand effects of his mother's colon cancer and learning that medical marijuana might have made her more comfortable during treatment.
"It is a viable medicine," said the. "All I can do is use my small business expertise to lend a hand in this movement."
Rafael Lemaitre, spokesman for the Office of National Drug Control Policy, issued a statement saying science and research -- not politics -- should drive the approval process for medicine, and to date the "smoked form of marijuana has not met the modern standard" established by the Food and Drug Administration.
"Chronically ill and suffering patients deserve access to modern medicine that is proven to be effective and safe," Lemaitre said. "We ardently support continued research into medical uses for the components of marijuana and will continue to do so."
Mann, however, says medical marijuana cultivation and distribution is going to happen with or without federal government approval.
"Regardless of how rigorously they want to enforce intervention, it's not going to stop the industry," Mann said.
Military surplus a bonanza for law enforcement
Don't think of it as a "war on drugs" or a "war on terror",
think of it as a "war on American citizens" and a
"war on the Bill of Rights"
Source
Military surplus a bonanza for law enforcement
G.W. Schulz,Andrew Becker, California Watch
Saturday, March 31, 2012
San Francisco may be known for antiwar movements and peace rallies, but when local law enforcement agencies needed help with supplies, they've turned to the U.S. military.
Over the past two decades, San Francisco authorities have acquired infrared devices, combat helmets, chemical protective gloves, vehicles and even a boat as discarded hand-me-downs free of charge from the Department of Defense.
In total, the San Francisco police and sheriff's departments have taken $1.4 million in equipment, from a $20 pair of evidence boxes to "climber's equipment" worth $325,000 in 1996.
Several other government agencies in California also have tapped the vast supply of free military surplus goods, equipping themselves with assault-style weapons and even tanks, first as part of the war on drugs and later in the name of fighting terrorism.
The agencies and their employees accumulated more equipment during 2011 than any other year in the program's two-decade history, according to a California Watch analysis of U.S. Department of Defense data.
A total of 163,344 new and used items valued at $26.2 million - from bath mats acquired by the sheriff of Sonoma County to a full-tracked tank for rural San Joaquin County - were transferred last year to state and local agencies.
Police nationwide sought $498 million worth of equipment, including 60 aircraft and thousands more weapons than in 2010. Listed dollar amounts are based on what the military initially paid for the equipment.
More than 17,000 public agencies across the nation - including police, sheriff and fire departments - have taken advantage of the equipment giveaway of an estimated $2.8 billion since Congress enacted laws in the 1990s that created the program.
For the sheriff of Orange County, it was hundreds of flashlights, exercise equipment, four trumpets and gun parts. The Vacaville Police Department got "combat coats," pistol holsters and canteens.
The Alameda County Sheriff's Department, which in years past picked up a $4.4 million, 85-foot patrol boat as well as a grenade launcher, in 2011 asked for four rifles and more than 200 pillowcases, along with tools, a $200 medical treatment table and other equipment.
The program is run online and open to law enforcement and other public agencies that sign up with the Department of Defense. Once the goods are transferred, the civilian police departments are responsible for maintenance and storage.
Offensive capabilities
Police are allowed to sell or transfer the military surplus after a year. But weapons and anything else with "offensive military capability" can't be sold - the equipment technically belongs to the Department of Defense and is considered on permanent loan to the civilian police agencies.
The program has ballooned despite congressional largesse that since 2002 has resulted in billions of dollars worth of homeland security grants - including $3.8 billion for California alone - set aside for disaster preparation and counterterrorism.
Erroll Southers, a former top state homeland security official, said the combat-ready equipment can look intimidating to the public, but it enhances safety during critical, high-stress calls.
"I don't know how it could not look threatening, but that's not the intent," said Southers, now an adjunct professor at the University of Southern California.
Officials attribute the recent surge in demand to better promotion and outreach, an influx of equipment with the war in Iraq winding down, and money woes that have left police across the state scrambling to fill their needs.
"State and local budgets are rapidly diminishing and dwindling, so they're getting pretty creative about looking for alternative sources of equipment," said Twila Gonzales of the Defense Logistics Agency, which oversees military transfers to police.
Tactical vehicles
On New Year's Eve 1984, Kenneth Mohar, a 39-year-old with a history of alcohol abuse, stood in the doorway of his Concord home, pointing a hunting rifle at his roommate's head. After an argument, Mohar shot and killed the roommate in the driveway.
When local police arrived, they feared Mohar wasn't finished. So they dialed up the nearby Concord Naval Weapons Station to ask if they could borrow something: a Peacekeeper armored personnel carrier.
Nearly three decades later, Concord police no longer need to borrow armored trucks. In November, the military's excess equipment program enabled the city to obtain its own 8 1/2-ton bulletproof tactical vehicle, among other discarded equipment.
"Without the surplus program, these are probably items that we as an agency couldn't afford," said Concord police Lt. Bill Roche. "It provides us with an ability to remain competitive with the criminal community."
Much of the gear sought last year across California had nothing to do with firearms or bulletproof vehicles and served more everyday needs - treadmills, parkas, computers, tweezers, cameras and office supplies.
Big-ticket items
But some agencies have used the program to get big-ticket items that might otherwise be no more than a fantasy under today's budget belt-tightening.
The Santa Barbara County Sheriff's Department has taken in more than $13.8 million worth of surplus equipment since the late 1990s, including four helicopters that account for much of that money.
Spokesman Drew Sugars said the aircraft help deputies reach lost or stranded hikers in isolated areas of the county that include parts of the Los Padres National Forest.
Other departments can't resist free machinery that most people would have difficulty imagining on America's streets, even if it might not fit their image or needs.
The San Joaquin County Sheriff's Office, for example, last year picked up a full-tracked tank, even though it had a sophisticated, $532,000 mobile-command vehicle that it bought with federal grant money. A spokesman said the county has since gotten rid of the tank because it didn't meet the agency's "mission needs."
Demand for surplus equipment doesn't appear to be slowing.
"There's a lot of competition for it," said Sgt. Jon Zwolinski, who leads the effort to track down excess property for the Sacramento County Sheriff's Department. "The longer you delay in ordering it, the more likely the chances someone else is going to get it. So you just have to be quick on the draw."
Searchable database
Look up free military surplus equipment in your community at
links.sfgate.com/ZLIS.
California Watch, the state's largest investigative reporting team, is part of the independent, nonprofit Center for Investigative Reporting.
www.californiawatch.org.
gwschulz@cironline.org, abecker@cironline.org
Police Are Using Phone Tracking as a Routine Tool
You are NOT paranoid, the cops are listening to your cell phone calls and reading your text messages. Without a warrant of course. What did you expect? The cops to obey the law! They got guns and badges and are above the law!!!!
Source
Police Are Using Phone Tracking as a Routine Tool
By ERIC LICHTBLAU
Published: March 31, 2012
WASHINGTON — Law enforcement tracking of cellphones, once the province mainly of federal agents, has become a powerful and widely used surveillance tool for local police officials, with hundreds of departments, large and small, often using it aggressively with little or no court oversight, documents show.
The practice has become big business for cellphone companies, too, with a handful of carriers marketing a catalog of “surveillance fees” to police departments to determine a suspect’s location, trace phone calls and texts or provide other services. Some departments log dozens of traces a month for both emergencies and routine investigations.
With cellphones ubiquitous, the police call phone tracing a valuable weapon in emergencies like child abductions and suicide calls and investigations in drug cases and murders. One police training manual describes cellphones as “the virtual biographer of our daily activities,” providing a hunting ground for learning contacts and travels.
But civil liberties advocates say the wider use of cell tracking raises legal and constitutional questions, particularly when the police act without judicial orders. While many departments require warrants to use phone tracking in nonemergencies, others claim broad discretion to get the records on their own, according to 5,500 pages of internal records obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union from 205 police departments nationwide.
The internal documents, which were provided to The New York Times, open a window into a cloak-and-dagger practice that police officials are wary about discussing publicly. While cell tracking by local police departments has received some limited public attention in the last few years, the A.C.L.U. documents show that the practice is in much wider use — with far looser safeguards — than officials have previously acknowledged.
The issue has taken on new legal urgency in light of a Supreme Court ruling in January finding that a Global Positioning System tracking device placed on a drug suspect’s car violated his Fourth Amendment rights against unreasonable searches. While the ruling did not directly involve cellphones — many of which also include GPS locators — it raised questions about the standards for cellphone tracking, lawyers say.
The police records show many departments struggling to understand and abide by the legal complexities of cellphone tracking, even as they work to exploit the technology.
In cities in Nevada, North Carolina and other states, police departments have gotten wireless carriers to track cellphone signals back to cell towers as part of nonemergency investigations to identify all the callers using a particular tower, records show.
In California, state prosecutors advised local police departments on ways to get carriers to “clone” a phone and download text messages while it is turned off.
In Ogden, Utah, when the Sheriff’s Department wants information on a cellphone, it leaves it up to the carrier to determine what the sheriff must provide. “Some companies ask that when we have time to do so, we obtain court approval for the tracking request,” the Sheriff’s Department said in a written response to the A.C.L.U.
And in Arizona, even small police departments found cell surveillance so valuable that they acquired their own tracking equipment to avoid the time and expense of having the phone companies carry out the operations for them. The police in the town of Gilbert, for one, spent $244,000 on such equipment.
Cell carriers, staffed with special law enforcement liaison teams, charge police departments from a few hundred dollars for locating a phone to more than $2,200 for a full-scale wiretap of a suspect, records show.
Most of the police departments cited in the records did not return calls seeking comment. But other law enforcement officials said the legal questions were outweighed by real-life benefits.
The police in Grand Rapids, Mich., for instance, used a cell locator in February to find a stabbing victim who was in a basement hiding from his attacker.
“It’s pretty valuable, simply because there are so many people who have cellphones,” said Roxann Ryan, a criminal analyst with Iowa’s state intelligence branch. “We find people,” she said, “and it saves lives.”
Many departments try to keep cell tracking secret, the documents show, because of possible backlash from the public and legal problems. Although there is no evidence that the police have listened to phone calls without warrants, some defense lawyers have challenged other kinds of evidence gained through warrantless cell tracking.
“Do not mention to the public or the media the use of cellphone technology or equipment used to locate the targeted subject,” the Iowa City Police Department warned officers in one training manual. It should also be kept out of police reports, it advised.
In Nevada, a training manual warned officers that using cell tracing to locate someone without a warrant “IS ONLY AUTHORIZED FOR LIFE-THREATENING EMERGENCIES!!” The practice, it said, had been “misused” in some standard investigations to collect information the police did not have the authority to collect.
“Some cell carriers have been complying with such requests, but they cannot be expected to continue to do so as it is outside the scope of the law,” the advisory said. “Continued misuse by law enforcement agencies will undoubtedly backfire.”
Another training manual prepared by California prosecutors in 2010 advises police officials on “how to get the good stuff” using cell technology.
The presentation said that since the Supreme Court first ruled on wiretapping law in 1928 in a Prohibition-era case involving a bootlegger, “subtler and more far-reaching means of invading privacy have become available to the government.”
Technological breakthroughs, it continued, have made it possible for the government “to obtain disclosure in court of what is whispered in the closet.”
In interviews, lawyers and law enforcement officials agreed that there was uncertainty over what information the police are entitled to get legally from cell companies, what standards of evidence they must meet and when courts must get involved.
A number of judges have come to conflicting decisions in balancing cellphone users’ constitutional privacy rights with law enforcement’s need for information.
In a 2010 ruling, the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, in Philadelphia, said a judge could require the authorities to obtain a warrant based on probable cause before demanding cellphone records or location information from a provider. (A similar case from Texas is pending in the Fifth Circuit.)
“It’s terribly confusing, and it’s understandable, when even the federal courts can’t agree,” said Michael Sussman, a Washington lawyer who represents cell carriers. The carriers “push back a lot” when the police urgently seek out cell locations or other information in what are purported to be life-or-death situations, he said. “Not every emergency is really an emergency.”
Congress and about a dozen states are considering legislative proposals to tighten restrictions on the use of cell tracking.
While cell tracing allows the police to get records and locations of users, the A.C.L.U. documents give no indication that departments have conducted actual wiretapping operations — listening to phone calls — without court warrants required under federal law.
Much of the debate over phone surveillance in recent years has focused on the federal government and counterterrorism operations, particularly a once-secret program authorized by President George W. Bush after the Sept. 11 attacks. It allowed the National Security Agency to eavesdrop on phone calls of terrorism suspects and monitor huge amounts of phone and e-mail traffic without court-approved intelligence warrants.
Clashes over the program’s legality led Congress to broaden the government’s eavesdropping powers in 2008. As part of the law, the Bush administration insisted that phone companies helping in the program be given immunity against lawsuits.
Since then, the wide use of cell surveillance has seeped down to even small, rural police departments in investigations unrelated to national security.
“It’s become run of the mill,” said Catherine Crump, an A.C.L.U. lawyer who coordinated the group’s gathering of police records. “And the advances in technology are rapidly outpacing the state of the law.”
New law to let cops arrest people for being drunk????
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Plan lets Valley cities detain drunk people
by Beth Duckett - Mar. 31, 2012 09:16 PM
The Republic | azcentral.com
A bill advancing in the Arizona Legislature would give Scottsdale and other cities the power to apprehend intoxicated people who pose a threat to themselves or others.
Senate Bill 1351 would allow the governing body of a city that operates its own detention facility, or contracts with a county-owned detention facility, to enact an ordinance prohibiting a person from being intoxicated in public, if that person is a danger to self or others.
The bill passed the House on Thursday and needs a final vote in the Senate before it goes to the governor.
Rep. John Kavanagh, R-Fountain Hills, sponsored the amendment, which would not affect laws or ordinances against driving under the influence.
The issue has local ties. On Dec. 20, Scottsdale City Judge James Blake ruled that Scottsdale's code governing drunkenness is in violation of the state law barring counties and municipalities from adopting or enforcing local laws related to intoxication.
Scottsdale police officials said the ability to arrest drunken people has been an important tool in keeping them off the streets. The city's downtown entertainment district, east of Scottsdale Road and south of Camelback Road, has a high concentration of nightclubs and bars.
"We very frequently wind up with people who simply have overindulged and are not properly able to care for themselves and cannot properly get themselves home in a safe manner," said Jim Nolan, president of the Scottsdale Fraternal Order of Police.
Without the ability to make arrests, Nolan said, it takes "too many resources" for police officials to remove intoxicated people off the streets and keep them out of harm's way.
Agents in Oakland raid leader of medical marijuana movement
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Agents in Oakland raid leader of medical marijuana movement
By Lee Romney, Joe Mozingo and John Hoeffel, Los Angeles Times
April 3, 2012
OAKLAND — Federal agents struck at the heart of California's medical marijuana movement, raiding the nation's first pot trade school and a popular dispensary, both run by one of the state's most prominent and provocative activists, Richard Lee.
The raids in Oakland by the Internal Revenue Service and Drug Enforcement Administration sent a shudder through the medical cannabis trade and angered the plant's devotees, who believe the federal government is trampling on California law and the wishes of voters who approved medical marijuana use nearly 16 years ago.
Now they are wondering what message the federal government is trying to send. President Obama promised during his 2008 campaign not to prosecute medical marijuana users who comply with state law, and Deputy Atty. Gen. David Ogden reiterated that position in a 2009 memo that many credit with helping spark the medical pot boom.
"For them to go after someone who's as high profile as Richard Lee likely sends a message that they will go after anyone anywhere in the state over medical marijuana and that Obama's promises are hollow," said Joe Elford, chief counsel for the advocacy group Americans for Safe Access.
The Justice Department has been cracking down on California's dispensaries and growers since October. But until Monday, agents had not targeted the most visible leaders, or the movement's cradle in Oakland, where the city issues permits and taxes cannabis establishments and where Lee's Oaksterdam University looms above Broadway with a giant college seal adorned with marijuana leaves.
Monday's raids included Lee's apartment, an associate's home, the university, the dispensary and an adjoining marijuana museum, as well as a property where the dispensary formerly operated. (Lee was forced to move the business in October after the U.S. attorney sent a letter to his landlord threatening to seize the property.)
The search warrants were sealed, so it is unclear what officials retrieved. Witnesses saw agents toting out boxes of documents and bags of plant material.
Lee, 49, was briefly detained, as were three workers at his dispensary.
A paraplegic who has used a wheelchair since a severe spinal injury in 1990, Lee has said he uses marijuana to treat muscle spasticity. He opened his dispensary Coffeeshop Blue Sky in 1999, worked with city officials to regulate the industry and founded Oaksterdam in 2007 to try to legitimize it. Lee used his marijuana earnings to put the legalization measure Proposition 19 on the ballot in 2010.
Although the initiative failed, it is widely credited with raising public acceptance of the idea of legalization nationwide. Colorado and Washington will have similar measures on the ballot in November.
"I don't know whether this morning's raid represents some form of 'payback' for Proposition 19," said Ethan Nadelmann, executive director of the influential Drug Policy Alliance, which seeks to reform the nation's drug laws. "But I suspect and hope that the principal impact of such heavy-handed police actions by federal authorities will be to increase support for the broader legalization of marijuana."
Nadelmann said the big question was whether the crackdown that began last fall was orchestrated by the Obama administration or by local federal officials. A spokesman for the Justice Department in Washington declined to comment, as did officials with the DEA and IRS, saying the warrants and investigation were "under seal."
Federal agents have conducted more than 170 raids of medical marijuana operations nationwide since 2009, according to Americans for Safe Access.
Since October, U.S. attorneys have sent at least 300 letters to landlords of dispensaries in California and Colorado, ordering them to evict their tenants or face seizure of their property and prosecution. They have threatened local officials trying to permit dispensaries. The Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. has pressured banks to close accounts linked to marijuana. And the IRS has audited dozens of dispensaries using an obscure provision of the federal tax code that prohibits drug traffickers from making any deductions.
Critics of the proliferation of medical marijuana dispensaries applauded the federal intervention.
"For them to go after Oaksterdam, which is internationally known for [flouting] federal law, sends an extremely strong signal not only to California pot stores, but also around the rest of the country," said Paul Chabot, president and founder of the Coalition for a Drug Free California. "I think in the last year we've turned the corner on marijuana. Now we've seen city after city, county after county ban dispensaries."
But some Bay Area elected officials were not pleased.
Rebecca Kaplan, a member of the Oakland City Council, said it made no sense for the government to strike "an exemplary community member" operating in a city with some of the tightest regulations in the country. "What is the goal?" Kaplan asked. "Is it a political goal? Is it about sending a message? It certainly raises the concern that people may be targeted for their political speech.
"We have in Oakland a real need for law enforcement resources on real crime that's a threat to people. If there's extra law enforcement resources available, it would be nice if it would be devoted to illegal gun crime and stopping illegal gun dealers."
A couple hundred people gathered outside Oaksterdam to protest the raids as marijuana smoke wafted in the air. The school is known for its courses on cultivation, edible production and the business of running a dispensary. Ironically, the prerequisite is a class on marijuana laws and how to operate within state guidelines.
Shortly before noon, Oakland police in riot gear arrived at the scene to stand between federal agents removing boxes of files and the increasingly unruly crowds.
Demonstrators shouted, "Shame on you!" mocked the agents and pounded on their vehicles. When the agents moved to the site of the former dispensary a few blocks away, the crowd followed. A man who, witnesses said, got into a shoving match with one of the officers was detained.
Brett Bankson, 30, of Oakland, came to see the raids with his dog and show support for Lee.
He noted that Oakland officials dealt with an initial proliferation of dispensaries in the area through strict regulation that limited the number to four and captured increasing amounts of tax revenue for the strained municipal budget. Last month, city officials granted approval to four more.
"They found a way to regulate that was a good compromise for everyone," he said. "The whole local economy that has depended on this could collapse.
"Now that they're taking away legal avenues, people are going to pursue illegal avenues," he said.
Jeff Jones, an Oakland medical marijuana activist who started the city's first cooperative in 1995 but was shut down by the federal government, said he thought the raid could be a turning point. He noted that it came the day before activists planned to march from San Francisco City Hall to the federal building for a daylong protest against the federal crackdown.
"We couldn't have asked for a better way to get everybody there," said Jones. "If the feds wanted to make this go away quietly, they just stoked the hornet's nest."
Jones, who worked with Lee on Proposition 19, said that he and Lee were surprised this did not happen in 2010.
The 2009 memo by Ogden said agencies "should not focus federal resources . . . on individuals whose actions are in clear and unambiguous compliance with existing state laws providing for the medical use of marijuana."
But part of the problem is that state law has never made it clear exactly how marijuana should be distributed, so "unambiguous compliance" is often in the eye of the beholder.
The state attorney general issued guidelines saying dispensaries must be nonprofit collectives. But Lee said in 2010 that state law was vague enough to allow for his "liberal, progressive" interpretation that he could make a profit.
Federal policy clearly forbids it. In his memo, Ogden wrote that "prosecution of commercial enterprises that unlawfully market and sell marijuana for profit continues to be an enforcement priority of the Department."
In June, Ogden's successor, James M. Cole, answered federal prosecutors' requests for clarification on the law, saying the memo was "never intended to shield" all people who "knowingly facilitate" violations of the Controlled Substances Act.
Monday's events did not deter the founder of the state's largest dispensary, Harborside Health Center, just down the road in Oakland. Steve DeAngelo has been as visible as Lee, having let the Discovery Channel film the series "Weed Wars" about his dispensary.
He said he has operated under the threat of prosecution since he opened five years ago, and that this was just another skirmish in a "40 year war we're destined to win."
lee.romney@latimes.com
joe.mozingo@latimes.com
john.hoeffel@latimes.com
Romney reported from Oakland and Mozingo and Hoeffel from Los Angeles.
Copyright © 2012, Los Angeles Times
Brewer signs bill banning medical marijuana on college campuses
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Brewer signs bill banning medical marijuana on college campuses
Posted: Tuesday, April 3, 2012 6:12 pm
By Howard Fischer, Capitol Media Services
Twice defeated in her attempts to limit the voter-approved medical marijuana law, Gov. Jan Brewer on Tuesday set the stage for a third court battle.
The governor signed legislation to make college and university campuses off-limits to those who are legally allowed to possess and use the drug everywhere else. Brewer press aide Matthew Benson said his boss believes marijuana does not belong there.
But a spokesman for a group involved in convincing voters to adopt the law two years ago already has predicted the new law will be challenged. Joe Yuhas said lawmakers and Brewer are constitutionally precluded from imposing the restriction, no matter how much support it has at the Capitol.
The 2010 initiative allows those with a doctor’s recommendation for certain specified medical conditions to get a state-issued card allowing them to obtain up to 2 1/2 ounces of marijuana every two weeks for personal use.
There are limits, including possessing marijuana on the grounds of any primary or secondary school, and smoking marijuana on public buses or in any public place.
This new law, set to take effect this summer, says no one — including those with medical marijuana cards — can possess or use marijuana on the campus of any public university, college, community college or post secondary institution.
Rep. Amanda Reeve, R-Phoenix, said the legislation was requested by college officials.
They said campuses are required to have policies that make their campuses free of illegal drugs. And while the initiative made marijuana legal by some under state law, its possession remains a felony under federal statutes.
Reeve said allowing medical marijuana onto campuses could endanger federal grants to the schools and federal aid to students.
That argument did not wash with state Sen. Linda Lopez, D-Tucson, one of only two senators who voted against the legislation. She said other states have adopted medical marijuana laws and none of their schools have lost federal funding.
The Arizona Constitution does allow lawmakers to alter voter-approved measures with a three-fourths margin. Benson said this legislation did get that.
But there is a second requirement: The new law must “further the purpose” of the original initiative. And Yuhas said closing off the use of medical marijuana to faculty and students — especially those who live on campus — does not do that.
Benson, however, said Brewer does not see the new law as counter to the 2010 initiative, pointing to the K-12 ban.
“This merely extends an existing prohibition to our college campuses,” he said. “It is a reasonable limitation.”
Benson also said Brewer believes that the “vast, vast majority” of Arizonans support extending the ban. But he sidestepped a question of why, if that is the case, Brewer did not demand that the change be ratified by voters, a move that would have avoided any potential legal threat.
“As with all actions we take, it’s subject to legal challenges if somebody want to go that route,” Benson said.
While the state started issuing cards for medical marijuana users last year, Brewer barred the state health department from processing applications for dispensaries. The initiative mandated licensing of about 125 of them around the state where users could legally obtain the drug.
Brewer then asked a federal judge to rule that the voter-approved law conflicts with federal laws. But Judge Susan Bolton threw the case out of court.
And a state judge subsequently granted a motion by some would-be dispensary owners to force the state to start accepting and processing applications. Judge Richard Gama said Brewer was acting illegally in refusing to fully implement the voter-approved law.
Medical marijuana ban for Arizona campuses signed